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We see in small children how they lack this imagination and therefore lack the fear. There not being anything more contrary and hostile to life than the effect of death, and by nature nothing more friendly to man than life itself, naturally the living hate to see a dead person, as directly opposing to himself, especially outside of war and in particular in bed, where natural death occurs and where the length of the illness of the patient gradually displeases the mind of he who desires health and makes a battle between hope and fear, induces a certain sadness in his spirit, leading to a languidness from which is born that perturbation and terror that envisages the coming of death.

Garimberto then illustrates his point with reference to Caesar who never lost his composure in the face of so many terrifying spectacles in battle but then cried over the head of the dead Pompey his enemy. Vespasiano in the siege and capture of Jerusalem many times saw with those eyes the earth bathed with Roman blood but in Rome could no support to see the death of anyone. Saladin was moved even to pity to comfort the widows of the Christian soldiers killed in great number by his men in the capture of Jerusalem and lamenting with them the loss of martyrs searched not only with words but with deeds to mitigate the sadness with gifts of money.

Renato, duke of Lorraine, after he had defeated Charles, duke of Burgundy, with the aid of the Swiss, nevertheless found his body among the dead, which moved his soul and for which he showed sadness, so that he commanded it to be buried with solemnity fitting such a great prince and wished to accompany it to the tomb with all of his family dressed in mourning.

The contrast between the pathos provoked by a single dead body and the sense of detachment or self-preservation arising in the midst of slaughter likely has classical roots that I need to investigate further with the help of colleagues here in Edinburgh working on the history of emotions. However, I want to move on now to the puzzle about the absence of depictions of atrocity in a realistic fashion.

It can encourage historians to look for modern paradigm of suffering in war in early modern depictions. All of these intentions, readings and feelings may be involved for the viewer and artist. But it has been more valuable for me to recognise the ways in which representations of violence can be related to an idea of war quite distant from the modern terms within which I have been most familiar until I began this research project. This unsettling recognition has also operated in relation the poetry of the Italian Wars, which I may write about in a future post.

The presentation of the peaceful state in Italy or the world before , sometimes found there, grew out of the assumption that peace was the natural state of man. The repeated emphasis on the bestiality of the enemy, the storms which raged over Italy, and a general sense of natural disorder linked descriptions of massacres and other events with the natural law basis for the theory of war. The direct appeal to God, Christ or the Virgin Mary, and to the northern princes who acted as the instruments of His punishment for sinful humanity, as well as to the machinations of classical gods such as Mars clearly stemmed from a general millenarianism and a desire to frame events in cosmic terms.

These motifs may also related to the Augustinian sense of war as a punishment for sin and as a right path to the restoration of justice. Finally, the repeated comparisons of contemporary Italians with the valour and virtue of ancient Romans together with sporadic appeals for a new Camillus or Scipio to lead the Italians to salvation as well as the frequent disregard for the fate of civilians in favour of accounts of noble and chivalrous princes or captains was a distillation of the sense that just war required a valid and virtuous authority and that what mattered was the cause of war rather more than its conduct.

Garimberto, Girolamo. Problemi naturali e morali. The Sack of Rome, , trans. Beth Archer. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Groebner, Valentin. Pamela E. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, Hale, John R. Artists and Warfare in the Renaissance. New Haven: Yale University Press, Roeck, Bernd. Olga Pollack. Aldershot: Ashgate, Sandberg, Brian. Farnham: Ashgate, Garimberto, Problemi , problem The argument here is not entirely clear, though, and is hampered by a rather clunky translation into English.

In this respect, their experience of war was not dissimilar to that of other Venetian subjects caught in the path of war.

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One Venetian chronicler observing this stream of refugees to the metropole at this time took the opportunity to evoke the Venetian foundation myth. Some Venetians, he claimed, sheltered ten refugees, some twenty, some thirty, some forty, and many were placed in churches, hospitals and even in the newly-built but uninhabited warehouse-residence for the German community, the Fondaco dei Tedeschi now a flashy shopping centre by the Rialto bridge. However, the experience of mainland Jews did differ in some respects from that of their Christian neighbours.

When Brescia passed from Venetian to French control in the Brescians marked the change in authority by pillaging Venetian property in the form of the Jews. This pillaging has been presented as a ritual event by the Bologna Seminar coordinated by Carlo Ginzburg, but the theft or destruction of Jewish stores of pledges and lists of debtors by Brescians and French troops in the mini-sack which accompanied their arrival in was also highly opportunistic.

According to the Jews who reached Venice a few days later they had lost as much as thirty thousand ducats. However, subsequent attempts on the part of the council and the new royal government to trace the pledges lost in , to reconstitute the list of debtors and even to extend some protection to the remaining Jews failed or were rejected and it seems as if the Jews gave up on Brescia and like many other Jews in the terraferma moved permanently to Venice.

The suspicion that the Jews were intent on revenge and enrichment because of such experiences helps to explain the anti-Jewish theme which ran through the vivid account of the bloody sack of Brescia in written by Marco Negro. Negro went much further than this and in an echo of the blood libel that Jews killed Christian children and consumed their blood he described a massacre in the Brescian duomo with Jews filled with lust for Christian blood among the French attackers. Negro alleged that the French commander Gaston de Foix himself led Jews in cruel raids on regular clergy and friars and looted holy objects.

As might be expected the entry of troops into Italian towns during the Italian Wars was often characterised by violence and the looting of Jewish property. Even those who escaped from the Jewish quarter to the safety of the castle were sacked.

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It seems that these troubles could contribute to both Jewish and Christian concerns about divine intentions for men and women. It is useful, though, to consider the fate of Jewish lives and goods as part of the social history of the Italian Wars. They were an especially vulnerable group during the sacks of cities given their stores of pledges or lists of Christian debtors; but they were also a resented local presence because they fell under the direct protection of higher authorities such as the Neapolitan king or the Venetian doge rather than the local powers.

When royal or republican protection failed they were forced to flee — forming another episode in the long history of Jewish mobility, the subject of a conference in Edinburgh in July. Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, It. Marin Sanudo comp. Coniger, Antonello. Pelliccia ed. Naples: Bernardo Perger, Cronaca Modenese. Parma: Pietro Fiaccadori, Dei Conti, Sigismondo.

Rome, Facsimile reprint. Passero, Giuliano. Storie in forma di Giornali. Vincenzo Maria Altobelli. Naples: Vincenzo Orsino, Bowd, Stephen D. Krauss, Samuel. See also ibid. Li Judei sono stati tagliati a peze et li Marani sono salvati in Nave. For example, the striking level of violence inflicted by soldiers on civilians in Germany during the Thirty Years War can be related to the structures of military supply and accommodation in place at the time.

In the first place, the mercenary commanders, or condottiere , were awarded a right to plunder and ransoms according to the terms of their contract. Everything that a man could desire has been found in sufficiency.

The soldiers are full of money and marvelous things that belonged to the French and have been harvested everywhere … We are so happy and in such good heart for which we thank the Lord God for eternity. The French king and the emperor, who paid dearly for these Swiss mercenaries, were obviously drawn to Italy by its wealth, which could be extracted as plunder, taxation, and annual tributes. As Dr Christine Shaw has rightly pointed out, these tensions could erupt into civilian violence against troops. The presence of large imperial armies throughout the Venetian mainland empire after placed huge burdens on the civilian populations in town and countryside.

The Germans were unpaid and sacked the piazza in Verona three times a day. They were so hungry that they were only interested in goods they could eat. During the same period peasants in the Venetian countryside took up arms against imperial troops with impressive and deadly effect.

These peasants followed the imperial camp with net bags hanging from their belts and were for the most part unshod. When imperial forces burned Vigodarzere in August and killed or captured those few inhabitants who had not fled for Padua to the south they found that the peasants had fortified it with barrels and tubs filled with earth, behind which they waited with handguns and crossbows. Around the same time six thousand peasants commanded by Gianconte Brandolini, a condottiero in the service of Venice, took Seravalle from the Spanish and Germans and inflicted a massacre on both defending troops and inhabitants who had killed some of their fellow peasants.

He and his brother were asked by the emperor to persuade the peasants at Bovolenta to change sides; they were threatened with hanging by the peasants when they tried to do so. As Buzzacarini noted, from this devastation arose the obstinacy of the peasants, who had lost both goods and honour. Gino Capponi, cod. Antonio Ceruti. Venice: Fratelli Visentini, Dumont, Jean. The Hague: P. Husson and Charles Levier, Guyon, Fery de. Robaulx de Soumoy.

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Arte della Guerra, scritti politici minori , ed. Rome: Salerno, Christopher Lynch. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Asch, Ronald G. German History Esch, Arnold. Verbania: Alberti, Hamon, Philippe. Outram, Quentin. Shaw, Christine. Florence: Le Lettere, Tallett, Frank. War and Society in Early Modern Europe, London: Routledge, Ulbricht, Otto. On the impact of war on civilians see Tallett, War , The word in angle brackets is in the margin of the manuscript. In his Art of War Machiavelli has his interlocutor Fabrizio Colonna recommend that troops should be selected primarily from hardy countrypeople used to working the land: Machiavelli, Art , 22, 26 1.

I sometimes get the impression that the authors of accounts of massacres and sacks could take the dehumanisation of the victims to an extreme level and ignore them altogether in favour of bloodless descriptions of precious booty. What exactly did soldiers seize in these sacks? I have come across a few sources which provide lists of plundered goods and these can give a good idea of the wealth of a city, the priorities of the soldiers, and even the strategies for survival adopted by men and women in times of extremity.

In an assessment of damages and ransoms which arose as a result of the sack of Prato which I wrote about last time was undertaken by the commissioner Bartolomeo de Mancinis at the instance of the Florentine Office of Eight, under the auspices of new Medici regime. It is likely that this took place in order to calculate the compensation and tax rebates which the Pratese might claim. The goods taken were easily portable, could be readily consumed or used, or easily resold by soldiers.

Carts and asses and one horse were also taken, presumably to transport the loot to market or to camp. The Florentine orators in Prato advised the new regime that the Spanish should be given safe conducts to come to Florence to sell their booty otherwise, being constrained to leave it behind, they would burn it along with the town itself. Indeed, there exists a list made in January of plundered Pratese goods bought by the inhabitants of Firenzuola from the Spanish.

The value placed on the goods sacked in Prato was fairly modest in each case, little more than a few florins in total. More substantial was the claim made in the aftermath of the sack of Ravenna in the same year. There survives in the archives a note of the damages received by the ancient abbey of Classe during the sack. The abbey claimed that chalices, vestments including those of silk and velvet brought from Venice by the abbot who subsequently died in the sack , missals, tapestries, carpets, and other furnishings and goods to the value of more than three thousand ducats had been taken or damaged by the troops.

However, a note appended to the document alleges that most of the claims were false. It seems that the abbey was rather too keen to obtain an exemption from a tribute from the monasteries to help restore damaged parochial churches. In contrast to the Venetian supplications I wrote about in my post last August the declarations of the ransom paid to Spaniards during the sack of Prato in August are generally very terse. The supplicants, or the notary who drafted the document, often simply noted the location of capture and the name of the Spaniard who extracted the ransom.

For example, the tailor Sano de Matteo de Meo described how he was taken in his house and a ransom was demanded, but he managed to flee along the southern city wall at Santa Chiara before he was captured, taken home, and forced to pay eight florins by the Spaniard Alessandro de Iacopo. And they burned my country house, and threw me to the ground from the roof of the stables of the house in Prato. Recommend me to your charity and alms, staying content and silent at your decision. The difficulties faced by those ransomed and transported in this way are vividly captured in one memoir.

However, when the Spanish saw that Gherardo was not returning with the money they placed the two remaining men in a privy in San Domenico, bound to a stake by the neck, hands, and feet. They were transported in this fashion from Prato to Bologna, where they were bought by a Florentine called Francesco Frescobaldi, the papal commissioner in the city, who threw them into prison and had irons clapped onto their legs when he found that their ransom was not forthcoming.

Piero, who was close to death, was released for 39 florins, but Andrea and his father were taken in chains to the castle of count Sigismondo Rangoni where they were placed under Spanish guard at the base of a tower. Bocchineri, Andrea. Narrazioni in verso e in prosa. Bologna: Gaetano Romagnoli, In appendice alla Collezione di Opere Inedite o rare. Bologna: Commissione per I testi di lingua, Documenti per la massima parte inediti. Landucci, Luca. Diario fiorentino dal al di Luca Landucci, continuato da un anonimo fino al , ed.

Jodoco del Badia. Florence: G. Sansoni, Lapini, Agostino. Diario Fiorentino di Agostino Lapini dal al Giuseppe Odoardo Corazzini. Modesti, Iacopo. Vettori, Francesco. In Scritti storici e politici , ed. Enrico Niccolini. Bari: G. Laterza, Giuliani, Claudia. I Libri delle Battaglie. Special Issue of Classense , 5 Leiden: Brill, See also Landucci, Diario , See also Giuliani, I Libri , E anomi arso la casa divilla e gittatomi intera e tecto della stalla della casa di prato.

Rachomandomi alle vostre lemosine e charita istando tacito e content[o] a ogni vostra determination. A Plea for Historical Re-thinking, Routledge forthcoming. His latest book in Italian is La mala setta. Alle origini di mafia e camorra , Einaudi Terrorist violence in historical perspective My attempt is to vindicate the utility and importance of historical knowledge of a subject which, if attention is massively concentrated on the here and now, may become impoverished and lose its depth and significance.

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Samuel Cohn, Jr. Over the past two decades, he has focused on the history of popular unrest in late medieval and early modern Europe and on the history of disease and medicine. Currently, a monography with the same title is in press. In addition, he is organizing an exhibition at the National Library of Scoltand, commemorating the Great Influenza of Little allowance has been given for varying sorts of reactions as with charity, compassion and self-abnegation consistently with some epidemic diseases or that the resulting social violence from other epidemics may have differed radically from one type of disease to another or across time and place.

The essay will stress the great variability in perpetrators and targets of violence, organization, and, most importantly, the mythologies and reasons for violent actions from notions of Jews and beggars poisoning wells to politically-reasoned and organized revolts, commanding united fronts, against the abuses, corruption, and backward-looking notions of plague transmission imposed on populations by the British colonial government. Her research focuses on the relationship between space, counterinsurgency policies and the state.

She co-organized several international symposiums on space and violence Madrid , London , Paris Strategic villages have been established throughout the world Africa, Asia and Latin America , mostly with the support of colonial powers e. During the s and s, strategic villages were built also in Latin America Argentina, Brazil, Peru, El Salvador and Guatemala , while simultaneously these same countries were the scene of massacres and forced disappearances.

A large part of these strategic villages, hybrid spaces between civil and military worlds, have survived the conflicts and a large majority of the displaced people still lives there. While some works link the destruction of built environment and warfare practices urbicide, Coward , "killing cities", Graham , Bishop et al. In other words, I will explore how urbanization can become an instrument of war. Based on fieldwork done inside the strategic villages built in Argentina during the last military dictatorship , I will examine: what did happen to these spaces when the armed conflict was over?

What are the social and political effects of these spatial dispositifs in the long term? Do these counter-insurgency infrastructures and the memory of violence have the power to modify political and spatial practices nowadays? Laura Fenelli , originally from Parma, has been living and working as an art historian in Florence since From Irony to Sacrilege: blasphemous jokes about cult images between XIV and XVI century The paper will analyze the broad theme of jokes and mockeries against cult images, from innocent and playful tricks to acts of violent blasphemy.

By reading Trecento and Quattrocento textual sources, we will follow the fortune of the theme in moralizing passages, including the famous history of Antonio Rinaldeschi, well known thanks to a pictorial source that describes the act of violence of the Rinaldeschi and its tragic conclusion. Short novels by Francesco Sacchetti will guide our analysis: from playful mockeries by which painters and artists trifle with the credulity of the people or the vain requests of the patrons, to real acts of violence and blasphemy.

The latters usually target cult or miraculous images of Christ and the Virgin Mary: the jokes become blasphemy and iconoclastic violence. The last part of the paper will be devoted to a specific case of an act of violence against a cult image of a saint, which will be studied thanks to a corpus of text and mostly its iconography in paintings and prints. His research focuses on state power, social struggle, and violence in the process of urban-industrial transformation.

War, Violence, Capitalism In this paper, I present a broadly Marxian geo-political economy approach to the analysis of capitalism and militarized violence, elaborating some of the themes presented in the works of Rosa Luxemburg, Antonio Gramsci, Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy, C. Wright Mills, and Kees van der Pijl.

In framing my arguments, I use the US military-industrial complex as a both a conceptual tool and empirical case for explaining the ways in which war and war-making capacity can be construed as integral to the class processes defining capitalism, rather than as external responses to class struggle or accumulation crises. Taliban Poetry.

Davide Lombardo, Ph. Mellon Fellow of the Huntington Library. Has published on the representation of urban spaces in Daumier and on the everyday life in De Certau. Sublime, Shock, Silence : Intellectuals and the massacres of June The horror of June marked contemporaries of revolutionary and democratic leanings alike. Silence ensued. I migliori Auguri di buon Anno a tutti gli amici del Forum. Ritratti a scomparsa PeQuod. Io ho aderito al fondo cometa 14 anni fa e onestamente devo dire che ha reso abbastanza bene. Al poligono. Storia della musica leggera attraverso la Hit Parade in Italia, con classifiche dischi, testi di canzoni, musica popolare, charts annuali e settimanali, tutti i.

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Calorio L. Sosio N. Spagnol E. Varini E. Mangano L. Ambrosi M. Leggere Online. Home Storia e archeologia The culture of violence in Renaissance Italy The culture of violence in Renaissance Italy Covering the ancient world through the age of technology, this illustrated lecture by Eugen Weber presents a tapestry of political and social events woven with many.

Andar per mare. Proceedings of the International workshop December , Torino.